In this piece for Local Call I tackle conscious consumption – the most prominent approach to combating climate change in recent years. I point out that even setting aside the costliness of environmentally-friendly products, it is rarely possible to choose them exclusively, and the information required to estimate what one’s best choice is for the environment is way beyond what consumers can figure out for every single product. I place this trend within the broader context of the neoliberal turn, and point out the deeply anti-democratic sentiment embedded in the idea that our consumer choices are an expression of democracy – one which excludes those with less time and money on their hands.
In this piece for Local Call, I review “green” tendencies in the far-right and other right-wing responses to the climate crisis. However, I argue, the right is already profiting from the destabilization of the climate in the global south by spreading fear of migrants and implementing essentially eco-fascist policies intended to keep the climate crisis from crossing borders in the global north. Meanwhile, the only realistic path to avert total climate catastrophe is the Left’s “Green New Deal” approach, unfairly maligned as “extreme” by the mega-rich who would apparently prefer eco-fascism to such equalizing measures.
In this piece for Local Call, I argue that while despair is quite a reasonable response to the current climate crisis impasse, the future is yet unwritten and the incredible climate movements rising rapidly in the past year give good reason for hope – and practical ways to help make change.
It is only by ignoring the information collected and disseminated by antifascists that liberals and conservatives can so readily dismiss Antifa’s confrontational tactics and activities.
In this report for Local Call, I reviewed the outlines for climate policy delineated by the 2018 IPCC report and the approach to climate policy put forward by the various parties running in Israel’s September 2019 elections. I found that most parties do not take this issue seriously, and even the few that do, fall short of meeting the IPCC report’s emissions targets.
In this piece for Local Call I cover the political background of the increase in forest fires in the Amazon this summer, as well as the connection to animal agriculture and indigenous rights.
Neoliberalism has had no greater victory, I suspect, than in the trend of highly selective consumption among leftists.
People often seem to conceptualize politics as akin to video games in which you can just make a click and decide how things will be done. Reality is, of course, much more complicated.
I just encountered the Nonbinary Hebrew Project, and I have mixed feelings about it. It’s a project by US Jews to add a third grammatical gender to Hebrew – and I think it’s pretty good at that! It fits the morphology pretty well and doesn’t sound too off. But it also seems to ignore the fact that there is actually already a very lively Hebrew-speaking nonbinary community in, you know, Israel, that country where Hebrew is the dominant language? And that Israeli nonbinary folx have not, as a whole, tried to add a third gender to our native language’s very binary system, and have instead developed what I would argue is possibly an even more radical linguistic praxis: using mixed grammatical gender as a third option. Like adding a third gender, it takes some getting used to. But unlike adding a third gender, it makes use exclusively of existing words (unless you include the multi-gender plurals -imot/-otim, which also just use existing morphemes in a new way.) This is arguably more radical because it doesn’t require learning any new info, making it more accessible, and also paves the way for more inclusive ungendered language in Hebrew, a famously “gender-maniacal” language. I.e. the mixed forms (talmidim tovot) serve simultaneously as a third grammatical gender for nonbinary folx and a neutral form for addressing mixed, Queer, or unspecified groups. As Tzor points out, Hebrew is also different from European languages in that speaking in the first person requires gendering oneself, so adding a third grammatical gender means one might have to misgender oneself in certain spaces to stay under the radar – a problem English-speaking NBs are less likely to face. Israeli NB “mixed speech” avoids this problem, and I feel it generally loosens up the very binary gender feelings Hebrew grammar always gave me. Still, as a Hebrew-native NB person trained in linguistics I can’t help but admire the Nonbinary Hebrew project – it’s delightful! I even hope it sees wider adoption and makes inroads in Israel – there’s always room for more forms of gender expression. I just feel uncomfortable with the way a diasporic community, in some ways privileged over Israeli nonbinary folx, has seen fit to re-engineer our native language to fit the (linguistically) European approach to nonbinary language of adding new pronouns while ignoring the existing, Hebrew-native NB community and the brilliant solution it has already been putting into daily practice for years. (P.S. Tzor also noted that really, the NB Hebrew project’s -eh endings sound very diasporic and Yiddic, and don’t fit quite naturally with Israeli Hebrew. Moreover, many Israeli native speakers, possibly Mizrachim in particular, have a less rigid approach to vowels than natives of European languages would, and -eh and -ah often flow into one another rather than being entirely distinct phonemes.) This post was originally located at https://write.as/meemsaf/the-nonbinary-hebrew-project-and-nonbinary-israeli-hebrew